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The question now is where does ellipsis fit into this story? I follow here one major type of approach to ellipsis, according to which, generally speaking, syntactic structures are subject to non-pronunciation (this type of analysis can be compared to approaches in which syntactic structures contain null elements, which are then replaced by an operation of structure copying before the structure is interpreted; see Merchant (2016) for an overview of different approaches). As discussed in Merchant (2016), for example, the difference between an elliptical and nonelliptical XP is often analyzed in terms of the presence or absence of a feature (E-feature) in the structure which signals to the phonology that the phonological value of the XP is null or that or that VI of a relevant element does not take place (e.g., Temmerman 2012; Merchant 2015 etc.). Merchant (2015) convincingly argues that ellipsis applies before VI; that is, ellipsis is not the actual deletion of phonological material. Rather, VI does not apply at all in the case of elided element. If this is correct, and if LD, on the other hand, applies after VI (as argued here) then it directly follows that the future auxiliary će can be elided only before it undergoes LD. The result of this particular ordering of operations can only be the full non-truncated infinitive (unaffected by LD).
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